Significance of the Governors’ Proclamation

They realize the limits of governmental agencies in a movement which must be country-wide and perpetual to be effective.

Continuing US Environmental Movement Begins,
Today we begin the third part of the series with our selection from by Graham Taylor published in . The selection is presented in 1 easy 5-minute installments. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.

Previously in US Environmental Movement Begins.

Time: 1908

It is more than a coincidence or a conceit that the form in which the governors of our States and Territories drew up and signed their declaration for the conservation of the country’s natural resources resembles that of the Declaration of Independence. It may prove to be as prophetic as the occasion was historic. They certainly began to make new history at that conference in the White House that May. As it is followed up, that occasion will be ranked with the victory for union in the Civil War, the adoption of the constitution, and the Declaration of Independence, in the historic significance of its grasp upon the destiny of the whole country. While the participants in the conference, then and ever since, have greatly impressed others with the profound impressions they themselves received of the momentous importance of the situation they faced and the duty it imposed, they did not attempt to do more than state it, and strike the note to arouse the legislatures and the people to action.

The forces of the nation have already begun to respond to the summons of their final appeal, “Let us conserve the foundations of our prosperity.” To give definite form, legal basis, and practical effect to the policy thus impressively originated, the President of the United States appointed a National Conservation Commission, composed of representative congressmen with Gifford Pinchot appropriately at its head. They are divided into four sections devoted respectively to the conservation of our land, water, forest, and mineral resources. In view of the facts brought to their knowledge, from sources that cannot be doubted, they were so convinced that the material basis upon which not only the prosperity but the perpetuity of the nation depend is threatened with exhaustion that their first attempt is to ascertain the present condition of our national resources. This fundamentally important service they plan to render not only by their own central agencies, but by having conservation commissions officially appointed in every State and Territory, and by the reclamation and forest service, and the Inland Waterways Commission already established by the Federal Government.

Thus they hope to furnish the basis for national and State legislation to preserve and reclaim land from soil-wash, erosion, and waste by drought or overflow; to conserve water resources for irrigation and power, and by bringing navigable and source streams under public control; to protect and replace forests, whether publicly or privately owned; to prevent the waste of material and life in the mines; and to “increase the beauty, healthfulness, and habitability of our country” to all its people and their posterity.“ In the use of the natural resources, our independent States ”are declared to be“ inter-dependent and bound together by ties of mutual benefits, responsibilities, and duties.” There the official obligation and action end but not the people’s. For the promoters of the future independence of American citizens fortunately realize the limits of governmental agencies in a movement which must be country-wide and perpetual to be effective. The governors clearly saw and stated the necessity for “the unremitting attention of the nation.”

The availability of the associated and personal cooperation from private citizens was not depended upon in vain. The National Rivers and Harbors Congress was the first to seize the opportunity to rally, align, and bring to bear the volunteer cooperation of all the organizations and individuals who could be made to see that their own interests, as well as their country’s welfare, are involved in this movement. This they did in session at Cincinnati by organizing the Conservation League of America, based on the declaration that

it is of the utmost importance that the natural resources of the nation shall be comprehensively and vigorously developed and utilized for the promotion of the public welfare without waste, destruction, or needless impairment, and subject always to their intelligent conservation, and the effective preservation of the rights and interests of the future generations of our people.”

Informal assurances of cooperation have already been received from associations as diverse, and yet with a community of interests in this movement, as the National Electric Light Association and the American Federation of Labor, the National Council of Commerce and the United Mine Workers of America, the National Farmers ‘ Congress and the American Civic Association, the Interstate Inland Waterway Association and the National Fire Protection Association. The long list of such organizations is steadily being augmented by others whose members complain of having been unintentionally omitted from the roll as originally published. Their independent prosecution of their own initiative and interest will be in no way superseded or diminished by belonging to the league but will rather be stimulated to greater vigilance and efficiency thereby. The non-partisanship of the league is declared and assured in the acceptance of the honorary presidency by Mr. Roosevelt and of the honorary vice-presidencies by Mr. Bryan and Mr. Taft. Representatives of both organized labor and capital will serve as active vice presidents.

No man better fitted by natural ability, forcefulness of personality, and successful experience with the methods to be employed could have been chosen to lead the league as its active president than Walter L. Fisher, of Chicago. A lawyer of high professional standing and success, he has rendered efficient and distinguished service to his city as secretary and president of the Municipal Voters ‘ League and now as president of the City Club. In his initial statement, following his acceptance of the leadership of the Conservation League, which was urged upon him by President Roosevelt, he proves that he has seen and seized the two agencies by which alone it can fulfil the purpose of its organization and cooperate with the government, namely, publicity and the ballot. Its propaganda of the conservation policy through the exhaustive lists and huge memberships of the voluntary associations already being enlisted in the new crusade, will go far toward informing and inspiring our whole people for the effort to conserve and develop their natural heritage. But still more effective, both as a medium of publicity and a means of practical achievement, is Mr. Fisher’s appeal for the citizens’ use of the ballot in their own common interests after the fashion of the Chicago Municipal Voters’ League. Every candidate for the legislature in every State, and all candidates for Congress, will be asked to indorse the league’s declaration of principles, and their response will be published to their constituencies during the pending campaign. Thus, as in Chicago, not only will the legislators ‘ vote and influence be secured for legislation in line with the purposes declared by the governors at the White House, but the people’s vote will surely be educated and united so as to send such men to their legislatures and to Congress as will conserve the heritage of their children.

In the success of the President’s Commission and this National Conservation League lies the hope of pleading not guilty at last to the arraignment of our insane improvidence which Sir Boyle Roche satirically impersonated by asking a hundred years ago: “Why should I do anything for posterity? Posterity has never done anything for me.”

Gifford Pinchot begins here. The Governors begins here.

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