Should Britain Pay Catholic Clergy?

The State having an established religion, the members of that religion had a right to a position of political ascendency.

Continuing Catholic Emancipation in Ireland,
with a selection from Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland by William E.H. Lecky published in 1871. This selection is presented in 6.5 installments, each one 5 minutes long. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.

Previously in Catholic Emancipation in Ireland.

Time: 1829

The Attorney-General was Plunket, who by this act completed the destruction of his influence in Ireland. Sheil asked him, as a single favor, to conduct the prosecution in person. Had he done so, Sheil intended to cite the passages from Pluket’s speeches on the union, which at least equaled in violence any that the “Repealers” ever delivered. The dissolution of the Government prevented the intended prosecution.

One very serious consequence of the resistance to the demand for emancipation was the strengthening of the sympathy between Ireland and France. The French education of many of the Irish priests, and the prominent position of France among Roman Catholic nations, had naturally elicited and sustained it. The sagacity of O’Connell readily perceived what a powerful auxiliary foreign opinion would be to his cause; and by sending the resolutions of the association to Catholic Governments, by translations of the debates, and by a series of French letters written by Sheil the feeling was constantly fanned. Many Irishmen have believed that the existence of this sympathy is an evil. I confess I can hardly think so. Irishmen should never forget how, in the hour of their deepest distress, when their energies were paralyzed by a persecuting code, and their land was wasted by confiscation and war, France opened her ranks to receive them, and afforded them the opportunities of honor and distinction they were denied at home.

Gratitude to the French nation is a sentiment in which both Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants may cordially concur. The first will ever look back with pride to the achievements of the Irish Brigade, which threw a ray of light over the gloomiest period of their depression. The second should not wholly forget that to the enterprise of French refugees is due a large part of the manufactures which constitute a main element of their prosperity. Nor is it possible for any patriotic Irishman to contrast without emotion the tone which has been adopted toward his country by some of the most eminent writers of France with the studied depreciation of the Irish character by some of the most popular authors and by a large section of the press of England. The character of a nation is its most precious possession, and it is to such writers as Montalembert and Gustave de Beaumont that it is mainly due that Ireland has still many sympathizers on the Continent.

But in addition to these considerations there are others of much weight that may be alleged. One of the most important intellectual advantages of Catholicism is that the constant international communication it produces corrects insular modes of thought, and it has been of no small benefit to Irishmen that they have never been altogether without some tincture of French culture. In the worst period of the last century this was secured by the French education of the priests; and, in spite of geographical position and of penal laws, a certain current of Continental ideas has always been perceptible among the people. The spirit of French Catholicism long gave a larger and more liberal character to Irish Catholicism, and in French literature Irish writers have found the supreme models of a type of excellence which is peculiarly congruous to the national mind. There have sometimes been political dangers arising from the sympathy between the nations; but on the whole it has, I believe, produced far more good than evil.

The formation of the Wellington Ministry seemed effectually to crush the present hopes of the Catholics, for the stubborn resolution of its leader was as well-known as his Tory opinions. Yet this Ministry was destined to terminate the contest by establishing the principle of religious equality. The first great concession was won by Lord John Russell, who, by obtaining the repeal of the Corporation and Test acts, secured the admission of Dissenters to the full privileges of the constitution. The Tory theory that, the State having an established religion, the members of that religion had a right to a position of political ascendency, was thus for the first time rejected, and with it fell the most popular argument against Catholic emancipation. O’Connell and the Catholics warmly supported the Dissenters in their struggle for emancipation, but the “No Popery” feeling among the latter was so strong that they never reciprocated the assistance. Even at a time when they were themselves suffering from disabling laws, they were in general hostile to Catholic emancipation.

About this time a new project of compromise was much discussed, both in Parliament and by the public, which shows clearly how greatly the prospects of the cause had improved. This project was that the emancipation should be accompanied by the payment of the clergy by the State, and by the disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders. It seems to have been very generally felt that while emancipation could not be long delayed, some measure should be taken to prevent the Roman Catholic body from being virtually independent of the Crown. It was felt that a body which was connected by interests, by sympathies, and allegiance with a foreign court might become very dangerous in Parliament. To pay the Roman Catholic clergy would be to unite them by a strong tie to England, and to place them in a measure under the control of the Government. It would also, in all probability, set at rest the long-vexed question of the Established Church.

Pitt had contemplated the measure, and it found very many able advocates in England. O’Connell at first thought that the clergy should demand this arrangement but, on their vehement opposition, he renounced the idea. In 1837 he had a warm controversy on the subject with Smith O’Brien, who advocated payment. Each was probably right according to his own point of view.

On the accession of the Wellington Ministry to power the Catholic Association passed a resolution to the effect that they would oppose with their whole energy any Irish member who consented to accept office under it. When the Test and Corporation acts were repealed, Lord John Russell advised the withdrawal of this resolution, and O’Connell, who at that time usually acted as moderator, was inclined to comply. Fortunately, however, this opinion was overruled. An opportunity for carrying the resolution into effect soon occurred. Mr. Fitzgerald, the member for Clare, accepted the offer of president of the Board of Trade, and was consequently obliged to go to his constituents for reelection. An attempt was made to induce a Major Macnamara to oppose him, but it failed at the last moment, and then O’Connell adopted the bold resolution of standing himself.

William E. Gladstone begins here. William E.H. Lecky begins here. Daniel O’Connell begins here.

More information here and here, and below.

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