The PR Efforts of the Big Three

All the three powers thought it necessary to publish some defense of their conduct.

Continuing First Partition of Poland,
our selection from History of Poland by James Fletcher. The selection is presented in seven easy 5 minute installments. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.

Previously in First Partition of Poland.

Time: 1772

Frederick’s admirers pretend that he was unacquainted with this intrigue, and, when the plan was made known to him, opposed it strenuously; “but that on the following day, having reflected on the misfortunes of the Poles, and on the impossibility of reestablishing their liberty, he showed himself more tractable.” It is to be hoped that, for the sake of Frederick’s remnant of character, that is not true; after the singular manner in which he had evinced his concern for “the misfortunes of the Poles,” and his solicitude for their “liberty” in Polish Prussia, such pretensions would have been the very height of hypocrisy. His scruples, at any rate, if any such existed, were soon dispelled; and he exerted himself in persuading the court of Vienna to enter into the plot.

Austria was but too ready to fall into the design; the conflicting views, indeed, between Maria Theresa, Joseph, and their minister Kaunitz gave rise to some complication of politics and consequent delay. Frederick, strongly as he is said to have disclaimed the plan in the present instance, was now the only party impatient to conclude it. “The slowness and irresolution of the Russians,” he says in his Mémoires,

protracted the conclusion of the treaty of partition; the negotiation hung chiefly on the possession of the city of Dantzig. The Russians pretended they had guaranteed the liberty of this little republic, but it was in fact the English, who, jealous of the Prussians, protected the liberty of this maritime town, and who prompted the Empress of Russia not to consent to the demands of his Prussian majesty. It was requisite, however, for the King to determine; and as it was evident that the master of the Vistula and the port of Dantzig would, in time, subject that city, he decided that it was not necessary to stop such an important negotiation, for an advantage which in fact was only deferred; therefore his majesty relaxed in this demand. After so many obstacles had been removed this secret contract was signed at St. Petersburg, February 17, 1772. The month of June was fixed on for taking possession, and it was agreed that the Empress-Queen should be invited to join the two contracting powers and share in the partition.”

It now remained to persuade Austria to join the coalition. Joseph and Kaunitz were soon won over, but Maria Theresa’s conscience made a longer resistance. The fear of hell, she said, restrained her from seizing another’s possessions. It was represented to her, however, that her resistance could not prevent the other two powers from portioning out Poland, but might occasion a war which would cost the valuable lives of many; whereas the peaceable partition would not spill a drop of blood. She was thus, she imagined, placed in a dilemma between two sins; and forgetting the command, “Do not evil that good may come,” she endeavored to persuade herself that she was doing her duty in choosing the least. She yielded at length with the air of some religious devotee who exclaims to her artful seducer, “May God forgive you!” and at the same time sinks into his arms. The contract was signed between Prussia and Austria on March 4th, and the definite treaty of partition which regulated the three portions was concluded on August 5, 1772.

Russia was to have, by this first partition, the palatinates of Polotsk, Vitebsk, and Mstislavl, as far as the rivers of Dwina and Dnieper, more than three thousand square leagues; Austria had for her share Red Russia (Galicia), and a portion of Podolia and Little Poland as far as the Vistula, about twenty-five hundred square leagues; and Prussia was to be contented with Polish Prussia (excepting Danzig and Thorn with their territory), and part of Great Poland as far as the river Notec (or Netze), comprising about nine hundred square leagues. All the rest of the kingdom was to be insured to Stanislaus under the old constitution.

All the three powers thought it necessary to publish some defense of their conduct; and, in separate pamphlets, they attempted to prove that they had legitimate claims on Poland, and that their present violent seizures were only just resumptions of their own territory or equivalent to it.

Rulhière says that Catherine only made her claim as a just indemnification for the trouble and expense which she had devoted to Poland; this, however, it will be found by referring to her defense, is not the case. She sets forth the great kindness she had shown the republic by insuring the election of a Piast (Stanislaus), and uses these remarkable words on the abject: “That event was necessary to restore the Polish liberty to its ancient luster, to insure the elective right of the monarchy, and to destroy foreign influence, which was so rooted in the state, and which was the continual source of trouble and contest.” She then exclaims against the confederates.

“Their ambition and cupidity, veiled under the phantom of religion and the defense of their laws, pervade and desolate this vast kingdom, without the prospect of any termination of this madness but its entire ruin.” She then proceeds with her “Deduction,” endeavoring to prove, from old authors, that it was not till 1686 that the Polish limits were extended beyond the mouth of the Dwina and the little town of Stoika on the Dnieper, five miles below Kiow. The following is a specimen of the lawyer-like sophistry which the Empress employs to establish her claim to the Russian territory, which remained in the hands of the Poles after the treaty in 1686:

The design of such a concession being only to put an end to a bloody war more promptly, and by a remedy as violent as a devastation (aussi violent qu’une devastation), to insure tranquility of neighborhood between two rival and newly reconciled nations, it necessarily follows that every act on the part of the subjects of the republic of Poland, contrary to such intention, has, ipso facto, revived Russia’s indisputable and unalienated right to all that extent of territory. It must be observed, also, that this arrangement about the frontier was only provisional and temporary, since it is expressly said that it shall only remain so until it has been otherwise amicably settled.

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