Can the Changes Last?

Has a Muslim people ever admitted non-Muslims to equality? I think not. Can it? I wait to see. Can a people of various races and creeds with an Asiatic race in majority make a constitutional system work well? I am hopeful.

Continuing The Turkish Revolution of 1908,
with a selection from Turkey in Revolution by Edwin Pears. This selection is presented in 5 easy 5-minute installments. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.

Previously in The Turkish Revolution of 1908.

Time: 1908
Place: Istanbul

On Tuesday, the 28th, the committee formally demanded the dismissal of Izzet and Tahsin Pashas, the chief advisers at the Palace, of Ismail, the head of the Artillery Department, and of poor old Abdul Houda, the astrologer, distrusted as a reactionary Meantime the Ministers of War and of Marine, both men who are reputed to have amassed large fortunes at the expense of the services, had been dismissed. Habib Melhamé, probably the most inoffensive of the family of that name, had returned suddenly from his holiday, had gone immediately to the Palace, and, having left after his interview by the first express, was captured as he was leaving Turkish territory, and has since been brought back to the capital. One of his brothers, Nedjib, was arrested on Tuesday, the 11th of August. Another brother, the Minister of Mines, the notorious Selim, managed to escape on an Italian steamer. He and Izzet were the first to escape, and it is probably true to say that the same ability which had enabled them to amass large fortunes led them to be the first to see that the crisis was upon them. Others in a similar condition appeared to think that the storm would blow over and are now in prison.

It has been for years noted among Turkish reformers that Midhat and his friends made a mistake in not requesting the representatives of the Powers to take an official note or act of the proclamation of the Constitution. The committee determined to be warned, and, therefore, took means to obtain 31st July, to the representatives of the Powers, that he had sworn to abide by the provisions of the Constitution. Thereupon followed the swearing in of the troops in Constantinople, the oath to the Sovereign being ostentatiously conditional upon his being loyal to the Constitution. When this was done for the ordinary troops, the petted and trusted Palace Guard re quested also, and were permitted, to take the like oath.

On the 30th or 31st, Kutchuk Said committed his first blunder, for which alone he deserved dismissal. The political prisoners, with whom the prisons had been crowded, were released immediately after the Sultan had sworn to observe the Constitution. Some of the poor fellows as they were let out were delirious with joy. They passed from dark and dirty prisons to be received by excited crowds of friends, to be placed in carriages, and to be cheered and accompanied to their homes by men and women shouting, laughing, weeping at the sorry spectacle some of them presented, shrieking with delight for the new order of liberty. But then came the liberation of nearly a thousand ordinary criminals, including many robbers and cutthroats. Instantly the remark flew from mouth to mouth that this had been done to create disorder. Who has done it? Said’s explanation was that in the great prison the ordinary criminals threatened to burn down the prison if they, too, were not liberated with the rest. Therefore, all were set free. The excuse was too flimsy to be received by those who remembered that Said was jointly responsible with the Sultan for the suspension of Midhat’s Constitution.

As if this fault were not enough, Said soon after committed one which looked like an attempt to aid the Sovereign in violating the Constitution. It had been judged advisable to issue an Imperial Decree or Hatt, emphasizing certain points in the Constitution. Said and the Sheik-ul-Islam were charged to draw up the document. As soon as it appeared, the jealous eyes of the editors of the Turkish papers at once saw that it had varied Article 27 of the Constitution, which provided that the Sultan should name the Sheik-ul-Islam and the Grand Vizier, and implied that the other ministers should be named by the Grand Vizier. By the new decree the Sultan was to name also the Ministers of War and Marine. Such a change of course might make him master of the situation. The excitement was intense. For the first time ugly rumors were about. The Sheik-ul-Islam, whose conduct throughout has been statesmanlike, at once resigned, but only on the 10th of August explained why he did so. He declared that he and Said had been jointly charged to draw up the decree, but that Said had not even consulted him on the matter. Bad faith was suspected; but the papers, while condemning the error, suggested that it was merely clerical. A minister with whom I discussed the matter attributed the blunder to the cacoëthes scribendi of Said. But he was too suspect to be allowed to repeat an error so grave. There was but one cry. Said must go. He resigned, and in doing so gave general satisfaction.

On Thursday, 6th August, a new Ministry was formed. Brave old Kaimil became Grand Vizier. I believe he is on the wrong side of eighty, but he has always been true to the principles of constitutional liberty.

But the movement, hopeful though it is, is still in the experimental stage. Perhaps the best that can safely be asserted is that it is almost inconceivable that Turkey can relapse into the condition in which it was two months ago. So much is pure gain. But there are other and difficult problems. In spite of the declaration of the Sheik-ul-Islam, made to me with absolute sincerity, that liberal though the Constitution is, Islam is still more liberal, I may be allowed to have my doubts. These doubts are not based upon the knowledge of the great sources of Islamic law, as to which His Highness speaks with authority, but on some knowledge of history. Has a Muslim people ever admitted non-Muslims to equality? I think not. Can it? I wait to see. Can a people of various races and creeds with an Asiatic race in majority make a constitutional system work well? I am hopeful. There is a large fund of what may be called political aptitude among the peoples of Asia Minor: the Turk has the instinct of a conqueror and a lover of liberty and until the accession of Abdul Hamid was free in expressing his opinions. The Christians in the ephories of their churches discussed political questions.

The Assembly of 1877 made an encouraging display of parliamentary talent, not mistaking oratory for statesmanship, as some of the young parliaments are disposed to do. The success of its successor depends very largely on the question whether the dominant Moslem majority will really concede equality to the Christians. Inshallah!

Edwin Pears begins here. A. Rustem Bey begins here. Arminius Vambery begins here.

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