On Wednesday, the 22nd July, the Sultan published an Iradé declaring that Parliament would be summoned. Within twenty-four hours Constantinople was electrified by the news and went delirious with joy.
Continuing The Turkish Revolution of 1908,
with a selection from Turkey in Revolution by Edwin Pears. This selection is presented in 5 easy 5-minute installments. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.
Previously in The Turkish Revolution of 1908.
Time: 1908
Place: Istanbul
The Fetva Eminé, as one occupying so lofty a position in the Moslem world, is usually a judge of the highest ability. The actual occupant of that position is one who has the confidence of all Moslems in Turkey on account of his independence and piety. From the Christian point of view he is a fanatic. “He would not shake hands with me,” said one of the ex-Ministers in discussing his conduct a few days ago with the writer, “because I am not regular in my prayers.” But he is incorruptible. He is probably eighty-five years old and is not only so devoted to his own ideal of conduct but also so universally respected that he cares nothing for the judgment of men, be they Sultans, Ministers, or paupers. Accordingly, when the Fetva was asked for, both sides held their breath in expectation of what his decision would be. He carefully examined the petitions and demands of the troops, and then came his answer. Substantially it was that the demands for reforms, for the redress of grievances, and for better government were not against the Sacred Law, and consequently, if a Fetva were pressed for, it would not sanction a war by Moslems upon Moslems.
Thereupon the troops which were on their way to Salonica were sent back to Smyrna. The news soon became known, and the army in Salonica declared that they would not fight against their brethren in Monastir. From that position to making common cause with them was but a short step. Then came a telegram from Monastir, on the 21st or 22nd, in the nature of an ultimatum, demanding reforms or abdication. The troops had sworn not to lay down their arms until the Constitution had been established.
The Sultan, in the meantime, had been making every effort to secure the loyalty of the army and navy. In the first fortnight of July he promoted two thousand officers in the navy. Fifty-five columns of the Turkish official papers were filled with promotions of officers in the Second and Third Army Corps.
The Sultan met his Ministers in long sittings at the Palace on the 20th and 21st and 22nd of July. The telegrams before them showed the army in revolt and demanded an answer to the ultimatum. No one dared pronounce the word necessary until the Court Astrologer was carried in upon his sick bed. He had had very great influence during many years and is the Sultan than any other subject. He is mistrusted by the committee, but ought to be forgiven for having been the first to pronounce the word Parliament. On the 22nd, Ferid Pasha, the Grand Vizier, was dismissed.
Kutchuk Said and Kaimil Pashas were sent for. The Sultan recognized that he must bow to the storm. Each of the two men whom he had summoned had at one time believed his life to be in danger from Abdul Hamid’s vengeance. They were summoned by Abdul Hamid as men known to have the reputation of being favorable to constitutional government and to British institutions, and therefore likely to be popular. On Wednesday, the 22nd July, the Sultan published an Iradé declaring that Parliament would be summoned. Within twenty-four hours Constantinople was electrified by the news and went delirious with joy.
All ranks and classes joined in a cry of delight. The Turkish newspapers played a bold and splendid part. The Iradé spoke only of a Parliament. The Turkish papers chose to interpret it to mean all the rights that had been granted in Midhat’s Constitution, a document which, during thirty years, has been idealized by the Turks into the symbol of liberty. The popular cry became at once “Vive la Constitution” and “Vive le Sultan.” The newspaper proprietors, by concerted agreement, bundled the censors neck and crop out of their offices. A new cry, taken up everywhere, “Down with the spies,” made it dangerous to interfere with the popular movement. Word was passed round that on Friday, the 24th, the Sultan would visit St. Sofia. Pera, Galata, and Stamboul burst out with the greatest display of bunting which I have ever seen. The streets were crowded, and Abdul Hamid would have had a triumphant reception if he had ventured out. An enormous crowd, however, gathered before Yildiz, and clamored to see the Sultan, keeping up a continual shout in favor of him and of the Constitution. The Sovereign, though he did not consent to go through the streets, showed himself after some time at a window, and was frantically cheered by a mob composed of about equal numbers of Muslims and Christians. He was accompanied by the new Grand Vizier and other officials, and publicly declared that hence forth all his subjects would be treated alike.
Sunday, the 26th, was specially devoted to a demonstration at Yildiz by a crowd of mullahs and softas, whose cries for the Sultan were alternated with “Down with the spies.” Once more the Sovereign showed himself, and, as we learned afterward, was sworn by the Sheik-ul-Islam on the Koran to respect the Constitution. Next day an order was issued abolishing the item in the budget from which the spies were paid. The crowd on Sunday passed from Yildiz to fraternize with the Armenians, with the Greeks, and even with the Bulgarian Exarch. “Equality and fraternity; no distinction of men on account of their creed,” was the note of all the speeches delivered.
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