This is the second half of Poland 1831 Revolt
our selection from History of Russia by Alfred Rambaud published in 1878.
For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.
Previously in Poland 1831 Revolt.
Time: 1831
Two parties were concerned in this movement — the moderate party, who wished to mend the link that they had broken with the legal government by soliciting, at the most, a reform of the constitution and the annexation of the Lithuanian palatinates; and the party of the democrats, who insisted on the abdication of the Romanoffs, the restoration to the country of its independence, and the recovery by arms of the lost provinces. Nicholas repelled all efforts to treat which were not preceded by an immediate and unconditional submission. His proclamation deprived the insurgents of all hopes “of obtaining concessions as the price of their crimes.” From that time the war party at War saw triumphed over the peace party. Chlopicki, disgusted with the conduct of the more advanced spirits, had resigned the post of generalissimo. He finally accepted the dictatorship, and gave himself up, without any hope of success, to organizing the defense, while continuing the negotiations. He and Lelewel were particularly uncongenial: the latter was of opinion that the Poles ought to take the offensive, throw themselves into Lithuania and Volhynia, arm the peasants, and raise a levy en-masse, declaring that when an insurrection did not spread it was certain to fail. “Well, then,” exclaimed Chlopicki impatiently, “make war with your reapers yourself,” and he resigned his command a second time for a subordinate post.
The Diet now assembled and appointed Prince Radziwill, a weak man, without military talents, generalissimo. His election was hailed by cries of “To Lithuania! to Lithuania!” In the session of January 13th (25th), Count Ezerski, one of the two negotiators sent by Chlopicki to St. Petersburg, gave an account of their interview with the Emperor. The replies of Nicholas did not give more ground for hope than his proclamation of December 17th. He refused to parley with rebel subjects. He at once rejected the idea of despoiling Russia of the Lithuanian provinces for the benefit of Poland. He considered it a sacred duty to stifle the insurrection and punish the guilty, adding that if the nation took up arms against him Poland would be crushed by Polish guns. Then the Diet proclaimed the Romanoffs to have forfeited the throne. It hoped by this step to engage the sympathy of the Western courts, but in reality it rendered all attempts at pacific mediation impossible, the Poles having abandoned the ground of the treaties of 1815, the only ones to which European diplomacy could appeal. As to an armed intervention in the presence of the hostility of the German powers, nei ther England nor France could dream of such a thing. In vain the population of Paris made energetic manifestations of its sympathies, in vain the Chambers resounded with warlike ad dresses; all these demonstrations had no effect. Six days after its declaration of freedom, the Polish Government instituted a provisional government composed of five members: Adam Czartoryski, president; Barzikowski, Niemoiewski, Morazski, and Joachim Lelewel, who represented democratic tendencies in this Supreme Council.
The Czarevitch had completely evacuated the kingdom; Modlin and all the other fortresses were in the hands of the rebels. To protect Warsaw on the east, they had thrown up a formidable work to cover the bridge; the Polish forces with the new levies amounted to ninety thousand men, well provided with artillery. In February, 1831, an army of one hundred twenty thousand Russians, under the command of Diebitsch Sabalkanski (the hero of the Balkans), entered Poland in a severe frost, driving back the Polish detachments into Warsaw. The insurgent General Dverniki gained an advantage at the skirmish of Stokzek. A two-days’ battle at Grochow, glorious for Poland (February 10th-20th), did not hinder the Russians from approaching Warsaw, and the combats of Bialolenska and of the wood of Praga (February 24th-25th) brought them nearly up to the Praga quarter. Radziwill then resigned his office, and was succeeded by Skrzynecki. The main body of the Russian army had abandoned the bank of the Vistula, with the exception of three small corps — that of Rosen at Dembe Wielke, that of Geismar at Wawre, and a third under Praga. The Polish general attacked them suddenly, and defeated Geismar at Wawre and Rosen at Dembe Wielke and Iganie, but did not dare to push his advantages further. An expedition directed against Volhynia by Dverniki failed completely; he was driven back into Galicia.
The Lithuanian expedition ended in a disaster under Wilna; the Poles had to cross the Prussian frontier, and only one division, that of Dembinski, reentered Warsaw. In the interval, Skrzynecki having attacked the right wing of the Russians at Ostrolenka on the Narew, was after a severe fight forced back on the other side of the river (May 26th). Cholera raged in both armies, and carried off successively Diebitsch and the Grand Duke Constantine.
Political divisions now as always ruined Poland. After some violent scenes, Skrzynecki was replaced by Dembinski, and then by Malakhowski. Two days’ revolt made the streets run with blood, and the people committed massacres in the prisons. The moderate party took flight, and Czartoryski fled in disguise. The Provisional Government resigned its power into the hands of the Diet, who invested General Krukoviecki with the office of dictator. He had some of the mutineers executed, but was not able to reestablish order.
Paskewitch Erivanski, Diebitsch’s successor, strengthened by the benevolent help of Prussia, which had thrown open to him her arsenals and magazines of Dantzig and Koenigsberg, had crossed the Vistula below Warsaw, and transported the theatre of war to the left bank. He intended to attack the capital, not from the side of Praga, as Suvaroff had done, but from the side of Vola and the Czyste quarter. Two semicircles of concentric intrenchments corresponded to these two quarters, but the Russians had no longer, as on the side of Praga, to overcome the obstacle of the Vistula. On September 6th the Russians attacked Vola, where General Sovinski, who had lost a leg at the Moskva, and Wysocki, who began the revolution, were killed. The same day Paskewitch began to cannonade Czyste and the town. The next morning Krukoviecki asked to capitulate. Paskewitch exacted the unconditional submission of the army and the people, the immediate surrender of Warsaw, the reconstruction of the bridge of Praga, and the retreat of the troops on Plock. The Diet having allowed the time fixed for a reply to pass, Paskewitch began the attack. Krukoviecki had accepted his terms, but he had been replaced in the interval by Niemoiewski. Czyste was already in flames, and the Russians were scaling the ramparts, when the Poles capitulated. ” Sire, Warsaw is at your feet,” wrote Paskewitch to the Emperor. “Order reigns at Warsaw,” such was the funeral oration pronounced by official Europe over the insurrection. Twenty thousand soldiers laid down their arms at Plock, fifteen thousand of whom Ramorino took into Galicia.
Not only Warsaw, but Poland herself, lay at the feet of Nicholas. Partial insurrections and new plots were later to revive his resentment. At present he was happy at being able to make an example and intimidate the European revolution. Sequestrations, confiscations, imprisonments, and banishments to Sibe ria served as commentaries on the amnesty. The constitution granted by Alexander was annulled; the public offices were abolished and replaced by mere commissions emanating from the public offices of Russia; the directors of these commissions formed, under the management of the Namiestnik, the council of government. No more diets; Poland was administered by the officials of the Czar. No more Polish army; it was lost in the imperial army. The national orders were only preserved as Russian orders, distributed among the most zealous servants of the Government. The Russian systems of taxes, justice, and coin age were successively introduced into the kingdom. The ancient historical palatinates gave way to Russian provinces.
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