This series has two easy 5 minute installments. This first installment: Bismarck’s Dislike of New Republic of France.
Introduction
Events in the Franco-Prussian War followed one another with amazing rapidity, and the entire struggle, gigantic as it was and momentous in results, included little more than six months of military operations. This war, unparalleled in modern times for its brevity, compared with the scope of its action and the reach of its consequences, is equally remark able for its one-sidedness. In every great battle and in every siege the French were defeated.
After the surrender of Napoleon III at Sedan (September 2, 1870), the tide of Prussian success swept quickly on to final triumph. From the proclamation of the Republic, two days after the capitulation of the Emperor, to the preliminary settlement of peace — followed by the definitive Peace of Frankfort, May 10, 181— Charles F. Horne gives a concise but comprehensive view of the Third Republic in its unavailing struggle against the might of Prussia.
This selection is from The Story of France by Charles F. Horne published in 1914. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.
Charles F. Horne (1870-1942) was a professor of history and an author and editor of 100 books.
Time: 1871
Place: Paris
The republic that was proclaimed in Paris, September 4, 1870, amid the gloom and terror caused by Napoleon’s surrender, is the present Government of France. At first it had neither constitution nor president. Indeed, it had no legal authorities whatsoever.
The feeble Assembly that had helped Napoleon III to govern felt itself out of place amid the tumult that followed upon his downfall. One of its few members who really represented the people was Jules Favre. At his demand, and under the menace of a gathering mob, the Assembly declared France a republic. Then most of its members hastened to disappear into the oblivion whence they had come.
The Parisians were left to form a government of their own. Favre and a few other leaders declared themselves temporarily the “Government for the National Defense,” and began arranging for the election in October of a regular Assembly, to be truly representative of the nation. This election was prevented by the advance of the German armies; and the self-constituted “Government for the National Defense” continued to rule France until the war was over.
In energy and resource its members proved themselves not inferior to the Jacobins of 1792. Their lack of legal authority to enforce any command made their work infinitely difficult; and their patience, honesty, and devotion to France deserve all our praise. Chief among them were Jules Favre, a lawyer of ability and proven patriotism, and Leon Gambetta, a fervid, hot-headed young orator hardly thirty-two. They offered the renowned statesman and former prime minister, Louis Adolphe Thiers, a place among them, but he declined the dangerous honor.
The first effort of the Republicans was to restore peace. They asserted that Prussia had no cause for quarrel with them, and that the senseless dispute had vanished with the Empire that had originated it. They were willing to compensate Prussia for the expense she had been under, and would pay her a heavy indemnity, but, as Favre put it: “Not a foot of our territory! Not a stone of our fortresses!” If the war were forced upon them, they would fight to the utmost.
Bismarck, at that time Chancellor of the North German Confederation, was by no means willing to recognize this new Government. He would have much preferred dealing with the Empire, whose chief was in his hands. When Favre was sent to negotiate with Bismarck, the Chancellor treated him with neglect and harshness. A great outcry had already risen in victorious Prussia for the restoration of her ancient borders, the return of the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, which had been wrested from her in the time of Louis XIV, two centuries before. Bismarck made this demand the first condition of peace. All France upheld Favre in his indignant refusal.
So the war continued, under conditions directly reversed from its beginning. Defeated France sought only peace. It was triumphant Prussia that now demanded concessions and sur render of territory. There were two ways by which the country might be saved: by finding allies among the other nations, or through the uprising of the whole united people to destroy the Germans. Both methods were attempted. M. Thiers, upon his own authority and that of the Provisional Government, made the round of the capitals of Europe in quest of alliances upon any terms. But none of the Powers cared to treat with an ambassador of such doubtful legality or to involve themselves in a cause that seemed already lost.
Meanwhile the utmost efforts were put forth to rouse the French people of the provinces. These had enthusiastically accepted the new Republic. Indeed, many of the provincial cities had themselves proclaimed its existence, without waiting for news from the capital. Yet now they held back doubtfully. They were jealous of the pretensions of the Government at Paris. They dreaded the excesses of the Paris mob.
They dreaded the excesses of the Paris mob. The position of military affairs was briefly this. Several French fortresses along the eastern frontier still held out, notably Strasburg; but these were compelled to surrender one by one. The only considerable French army of regular troops that remained was under Marshal Bazaine, shut up in Metz. It consisted of nearly two hundred thousand men; and about three hundred thousand Germans surrounded it, while a second German army, almost equal to the first, marched toward Paris.
General Trochu was made military commander of the capital, and it was hastily prepared to resist either an assault or a siege. Around the city stretched a gigantic wall which King Louis Philippe had planned and Napoleon III had built. It was now nearly completed, thirty feet in height, and was protected at every angle by huge forts and heavy guns. The de fences were strengthened as much as possible, and provisions were gathered from all quarters. Fugitives from the surrounding villages flocked into the city, swelling its total population to nearly two and a half millions of excited and determined people.
From these nearly four hundred thousand men were enrolled as soldiers, but of course the great majority were untrained and unreliable, noisily patriotic, but little better than a mob clamoring through the streets. General Trochu had only eighty thou sand regular troops on whom he felt he could rely.
The Prussians first appeared before the desperate city on September 18th. They made no attempt at an assault, but, extending their lines around the walls and forts, settled down to the most stupendous siege of modern times. They were less numerous than the French troops, but they were a thoroughly disciplined army and were everywhere successful in the little preliminary skirmishes by which they established themselves.
At first the Parisians found their greatest trial was being shut out from all news of the outside world. They organized a balloon service, and pressed carrier-pigeons into use. Early in October the fiery Gambetta escaped from the city in one of these balloons, and establishing himself at Tours soon perfected an efficient organization extending over all the country. His glowing speeches thrilled his countrymen to action, and outside of Paris he became the dictator of France.
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