Democracy Advanced in England

Today’s installment concludes English Reform Bill of 1832 Passes,
our selection from The Constitutional History of England snce the Accession of George III by Sir Thomas Erskine May published in 1863.

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Previously in English Reform Bill of 1832 Passes.

Time: 1832
Place: London

The disfranchisement of boroughs formed the basis of the measure; and the first vote of the Peers, in committee on the bill, postponed the consideration of the disfranchising clauses, by a majority of thirty-five. Notwithstanding the assurances of opposition Peers that they would concede a large measure of reform, it was now evident that amendments would be made to which ministers were bound in honor to the people and the Commons not to assent. The time had come when either the Lords must be coerced or the ministers must resign. This alternative was submitted to the King. He refused to create Peers: the ministers resigned, and their resignation was accepted. Again, the Commons came to the rescue of the bill and the Reform Ministry. On the motion of Lord Ebrington, an address was immediately voted by them renewing their expressions of unaltered confidence in the late ministers, and imploring His Majesty “to call to his councils such persons only as will carry into effect, un impaired in all its essential provisions, that bill for reforming the representation of the people which has recently passed this House.”

The King meanwhile insisted upon one condition, that any new ministry, however constituted, should pledge themselves to an extensive measure of reform. But, even if the Commons and the people had been willing to give up their own measure, and accept another at the hands of their opponents, no such ministry could be formed. The public excitement was greater than ever; and the Government and the people were in imminent danger of a bloody collision, when Earl Grey was recalled to the councils of his sovereign. The bill was now secure. The Peers averted the threatened addition to their numbers, by abstaining from further opposition; and the bill, the Great Charter of 1832, at length received the royal assent. The main evil had been the number of nomination (or rotten) boroughs enjoying the franchise. Fifty-six of these, having fewer than two thousand inhabitants and returning one hundred eleven Members, were swept away. Thirty boroughs, having fewer than four thousand in habitants, lost each a Member. Weymouth and Melcombe Regis lost two.

This disfranchisement extended to one hundred forty-three Members. The next evil had been, large populations unrepresented and this was now redressed. Twenty-two large towns, including metropolitan districts, received the privilege of returning two Members; and twenty more, of returning one. The large county populations were also regarded in the distribution of seats, the number of county Members being increased from ninety-four to one hundred fifty-nine. The larger counties were divided, and the number of Members adjusted with reference to the importance of the constituencies.

Another evil was the restricted and unequal franchise. This, too, was corrected. All narrow rights of election were set aside in boroughs; and a ten- pound household franchise was established. The freemen of corporate towns were the only class of electors whose rights were reserved; but residence within the borough was attached as a condition to their right of voting. Those freemen, however, who had been created since March, 1 831, were excepted from the electoral privilege. Crowds had received their freedom in order to vote against the reform candidates at the general election: they had served their purpose and were now disfranchised. Birth or servitude was to be the sole claim to the freedom of any city which should confer a vote.

The county constituency was enlarged by the addition of copyholders and leaseholders, for terms of years, and of tenants-at-will paying a rent of fifty pounds a year. The latter class had been added in the Commons on the motion of the Marquess of Chandos, in opposition to the Government. The object of this addition was to strengthen the interests of the landlords, which it undoubtedly effected; but as it extended the franchise to a considerable class of persons, it was at least consistent with the liberal design of the Reform Act

Another evil of the representative system had been the excessive expenses at elections. This, too, was sought to be mitigated by the registration of electors, the division of counties and boroughs into convenient polling-districts, and the reduction of the days of polling.

It was a measure at once bold, comprehensive, moderate, and constitutional. Popular, but not democratic — it extended liberty without hazarding revolution. Two years before, Parliament had refused to enfranchise a single unrepresented town; and now this wide redistribution of the franchise had been accomplished! That it was theoretically complete, and left nothing for future statesmen to effect, its authors never affirmed ; but it was a masterly settlement of a perilous question. No law since the Bill of Rights is to be compared with it in importance.

The defects of the Scotch representation, being even more flagrant and indefensible than those of England, were not likely to be omitted from Lord Grey’s general scheme of reform. On March 9, 1831, a bill was brought in to amend the representation of Scotland; but the discussions on the English bill, and the sudden dissolution of Parliament, interrupted its further progress. The same lot awaited it in the short session of 1831 but in 1832 its success was assured in the general triumph of the cause. The entire representation was remodeled. Forty-five Members had been assigned to Scotland at the Union: this number was now increased to fifty-three, of whom thirty were allotted to counties and twenty-three to cities and burghs. The county franchise was extended to all owners of property of ten pounds a year and to certain classes of leaseholders; and the burgh franchise to all ten-pound householders.

The representation of Ireland had many of the defects of the English system. Several rotten and nomination boroughs, however, had already been disfranchised on the union with England; and disfranchisement, therefore, did not form any part of the Irish Reform Act. But the right of election was taken away from the corporations and vested in ten-pound householders; and large additions were made to the county constituency. The number of Members in Ireland, which the Act of Union had settled at one hundred, was now increased to one hundred five.

This measure was the least successful of the three great reform acts of 1832. Complaints were immediately made of the restricted franchise which it had created; and the number of electors registered proved much less than had been anticipated. After repeated discussions a measure was passed in 1850 by which the borough franchise was extended to householders rated at eight pounds; and additions were made to the county franchise.

The representation of the country had now been reconstructed on a wider basis. Large classes had been admitted to the franchise; and the House of Commons represented more freely the interests and political sentiments of the people. The reformed Parliament, accordingly, has been more liberal and progressive in its policy than the Parliament of old; more vigorous and active; and more secure in the confidence of the people.

This ends our series of passages on English Reform Bill of 1832 Passes by Sir Thomas Erskine May from his book The Constitutional History of England snce the Accession of George III published in 1863. This blog features short and lengthy pieces on all aspects of our shared past. Here are selections from the great historians who may be forgotten (and whose work have fallen into public domain) as well as links to the most up-to-date developments in the field of history and of course, original material from yours truly, Jack Le Moine. – A little bit of everything historical is here.

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