Massachusetts Originates The Hartford Convention

The not unnatural implication from such expressions was that absolute necessity . . . might justify secession, even during the pending war;

Continuing The Hartford Convention.
Today is our final installment from Simeon E. Baldwin and then we begin the second part of the series with John S. Barry. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.

Previously in The Hartford Convention.

Time: 1814
Place: Hartford, Connecticut

The General Assembly of Connecticut at the same time adopted a declaration even more unequivocal. After stating their belief that the Constitution will be “found competent to the objects of its institution, in all the various vicissitudes of our affairs,” they add, “These sentiments of attachment to the Un ion and to the Constitution are believed to be common to the American people; and those who express and disseminate dis trust of their fidelity to both or either we cannot regard as the most discreet of their friends.”

The charge, however, that secession was really meditated by the Federalist leaders in Massachusetts and particularly in Boston, which had received a colorable support from the “Henry letters,” which President Madison thought worth paying fifty thousand dollars for from the secret service fund, and making the subject of a special message to Congress in March, 1812, was too valuable as a party cry to be readily abandoned; and it found new credit when the Hartford Convention was called together.

Doctor Webster has shown clearly that the plan of such a convention originated, not in Boston, but in Northampton, and we have his testimony, as one of its original promoters, that “the thought of dissolving the Union never entered into the head of any of the projectors or of the members of the convention.” But although the resolutions finally adopted by that body speak only of a temporary alliance for defense on the part of the Northern States, and that by the consent of Congress, the declaration by which they are prefaced makes no scruple of discussing the possibility of disunion.

“Finally,” is its language, “if the Union be destined to dissolution by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad administration, it should if possible be the work of peaceable times and deliberate consent. Some new form of confederacy should be substituted among those States which shall intend to maintain a federal relation to each other; but a severance from the Union by one or more States, against the will of the rest, and especially in a time of war, can be justified only by absolute necessity. These are among the principal objections against precipitate measures tending to dissolve the States, and, when examined in connection with the farewell address of the Father of his Country, they must, it is believed, be deemed conclusive.”

The not unnatural implication from such expressions was that absolute necessity — described as likely to proceed from “ implacable combinations of individuals or of States, to monopolize power and office and to trample without reserve upon the rights and interests of commercial sections of the Union” — might justify secession, even during the pending war; and the provision for holding another convention at Boston within five months in case the recommendations of the present one should fail of effect upon Congress, “with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require,” was quite an intelligible menace of future possibilities.

John S. Barry

Now we begin the second the second part of our series with our selection from The History of Massachusetts by John S. Barry published in 1857. The selection is presented in 2.5 easy 5 minute installments.

John S. Barry (1819-1872) was the author of The History of Massachusetts.

The citizens of Massachusetts, impressed with the dangers which threatened them, and heavily burdened with the expenses of the War of 1812, were urgent that means should be adopted by the Executive toward persuading the General Government to negotiate a peace, or to assist the State in defending its borders, without compelling it to rely entirely upon its own resources. His Excellency concurred in these views; but not choosing, it would seem, to assume the responsibility, he concluded, by the unanimous advice of the Council, to summon a special meeting of the General Court. To this body, when assembled, a message was sent informing them of his proceedings since their adjournment, and of the reasons which had induced him to call them together.

“The situation of the State,” he observed in concluding his address, “is dangerous and perplexing. We have been led, by the terms of the Constitution, to rely on the General Government to provide the means of defense and to that government we have resigned the resources of the State. It has declared war against a powerful maritime nation, whose fleet can approach every part of our extended coast; and we are disappointed in the expectation of a national defense. But, though we may believe the war was unnecessary, and has been prosecuted without any useful or practicable object against a province of the enemy, while the seacoast of this State has been left almost wholly defenseless; and though in such a war we may not afford voluntary aid to any of the offensive operations, there can be no doubt of our right to defend our possessions and dwellings against any hostile attacks.”

The joint committee to whom this message was referred, and of which Harrison Gray Otis was chairman, reported in favor of the Governor’s recommendations and observed: “The state of the national treasury requires a great augmentation of existing taxes; and if, in addition to these, the people of Massachusetts, deprived of their commerce, and harassed by a formidable enemy, are compelled to provide for self-defense, it will soon be impossible for them to sustain the burden. There remains to them no alternative but submission to the enemy, or the control of her own resources to repel his aggressions. It is impossible to hesitate in making the election. This people are not ready for conquest or submission. But being ready and determined to defend themselves, and having no other prospect of adequate means of defense, they have the greatest need of all those resources derivable from themselves, which the National Government has thought proper to employ elsewhere.

But, while your committee think that the people of this Commonwealth ought to unite, and that they will unite, under any circumstances, at the hazard of all which is dear, in repelling an invading foe, it is not believed that this solemn obligation imposes silence upon their just complaints against the authors of the national calamities. It is, on the contrary, a sacred duty to hold up to view on all occasions the destructive policy by which a state of unparalleled national felicity has been converted into one of humiliation, of danger, and distress; believing that, unless an almost ruined people will discard the men and change the measures which have induced this state of peril and suffering, the day of their political salvation is passed.

It is not to be forgotten that this disastrous state of affairs has been brought upon Massachusetts, not only against her consent, but in opposition to her most earnest protestations. Of the many great evils of war, especially in the present state of Europe, the national rulers were often warned by the people of Massachusetts, whose vital interests were thus put in jeopardy. But the General Government, deaf to their voice, and listening to men distinguished in their native State only by their disloyalty to its interests, and the enjoyment of a patronage bestowed upon them as its price, have affected to consider the patriotic citizens of this great State as tainted with disaffection to the Union, and with predilections for Great Britain, and have lavished the public treasure in vain attempts to fasten the odious imputation.”

Simeon E. Baldwin began here.

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