The Congress of Vienna 1814-15

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Introduction
The upheavals of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, a summit meeting of Europe’s leaders was necessary to stabilize the affairs of the continent. Upon the promise of constitutional government, the Bourbon’s heir was restored in France. This was the government which spoke for France. They met in Vienna.

This selection is from Revolutionary Europe, 1789-1815 by Henry M. Stephens published in 1900. For works benefiting from the latest research see the “More information” section at the bottom of these pages.

Henry M. Stephens (1857-1919) was a professor of history at the University of California at Berkeley.

Time: 1814-15
Place: Vienna

On November 1, 1814, the diplomatists who were to resettle Europe as arranged by the definitive Treaty of Paris (May, 1814), met at Vienna. But many of the monarchs most concerned felt that they could not give their entire confidence to any diplomat, however faithful or distinguished, and they therefore came to Vienna in person to support their views. The final decision of disputes obviously lay in the hands of the four powers (England, Russia, Prussia, and Austria) which by their union had conquered Napoleon. These four powers solemnly agreed to act in harmony and to prepare all questions privately and then lay them before the Congress. In fact, they intended to impose their will upon the smaller states of Europe just as Napoleon had done. That they did not succeed and that their concert was broken were due to the extraordinary ability of Talleyrand, the first French plenipotentiary. The history of the Congress is the history of Talleyrand’s skillful diplomacy, and the resettlement of Europe which it effected was therefore largely the work of France.

Emperor Francis of Austria acted as host to his illustrious guests. The royalties present were Emperor Alexander of Russia, with the Empress; the Grand Duke Constantine, and his sisters the Grand Duchesses Marie of Saxe-Weimar, and Catherine of Oldenburg; the King of Prussia, with his nephew Prince William; the King and Queen of Bavaria; the King and Crown Prince of Wurtemberg; the King of Denmark; the Prince of Orange; the Grand Dukes of Baden, Saxe-Weimar, and Hesse-Cassel; the Dukes of Brunswick, Nassau, and Saxe Coburg. The King of Saxony was a prisoner of war and ab sent.

The plenipotentiaries of Russia were Count Razumovski, Count von Stackelberg, and Count Nesselrode, who were assisted by Stein, the former Prussian minister and one of Alexander’s most trusted advisers; by Pozzo di Borgo, the Corsican, now appointed Russian ambassador to Paris; by Count Capo d’Istria, the future President of Greece; by Prince Adam Czartoryski, one of the most patriotic Poles; and by some of the most famous Russian generals, such as Chernishev and Wolkonski. The Austrian plenipotentiaries were Prince Metternich, the State Chancellor; the Baron von Wessenberg-Ampfingen; and Friedrich von Gentz, who was appointed to act as secretary to the Congress.

England was represented by Lord Castlereagh, Lord Cathcart, Lord Clancarty, and Lord Stewart, Castlereagh’s brother, who as Sir Charles Stewart had played so great a part in the negotiations in 1813, and who had been created a peer for his services. The English plenipotentiaries were also aided by Count von Hardenberg and Count von Muenster, who were deputed to represent the Hanoverian interests. The Prussian plenipotentiaries were Prince von Hardenberg, the State Chancellor, and William von Humboldt, who in military matters were advised by General von Knesebeck. The French representatives, whose part was to be so important, were Talleyrand, Prince of Benevento; the Due de Dalberg, nephew of the Prince Primate; the Marquis de la Tour du Pin, and the Comte Alexis de Noailles. These were the representatives of the great powers.

Among the representatives of the lesser powers may be noted, from the importance of their action, Cardinal Consalvi, who represented the Pope (Pius VII), the Count of Labrador for Spain, Count Palmella for Portugal, Count Bernstorf for Denmark, Count Loewenhielm for Sweden, the Marquis de Saint Marsan for Sardinia, the Duke di Campo-Chiaro for Murat, King of Naples; Rufio for Ferdinand, King of the Two Sicilies; Prince von Wrede for Bavaria, Count Wintzingerode for Wurtemberg, and Count von Schulemburg for Saxony. In addition to these representing powers of the first and second rank, were innumerable representatives of petty principalities, deputies for the free cities of Germany, and even agents for petty German princes mediatized by Napoleon in 1806.

When Talleyrand with the French legation arrived in Vienna he found, as has been said, that the four great powers had formed a close union in order to control the Congress. His first step, therefore, was to set France forth as the champion of the second-rate states of Europe. The Count of Labrador, the Spanish representative, strongly resented the conduct of the great powers in pretending to arrange matters, as they called it, for the Congress. Talleyrand skillfully made use of Labrador, and, through him and Palmella, Bernstorf and Loewenhielm managed to upset the preconcerted ideas of the four allies and insisted on every matter being brought before the Congress as a whole, and being prepared by small committees specially selected for that purpose. His next step was to sow dissension among the great powers. As the champion of the smaller states he had already made France of considerable importance, and he then claimed that she, too, had a right to be treated as a great power and not as an enemy. His argument was that Europe had fought Napoleon and not France; that Louis XVIII was the legitimate monarch of France; and that any disrespect shown to him or his ambassadors would recoil on the heads of all other legitimate monarchs. He claimed that France had as much right to make her voice heard in the resettlement of Europe as any other country, because the allied monarchs had distinctly recognized that she was only to be thrust back into her former limits and not to be expunged from the map of Europe.

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